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BOSTON DAILY ADVERTISER
Boston, Wednesday Morning, July 2, 1879
FOREIGN NEWS.
The Dilemma Regarding The Napoleonic Dynasty
London, July 1 -- The Time’s correspondent at Paris says a majority of Bonapartists are understood to concur with Rouher in acknowledging Jerome Bonaparte as the chief of the Napoleonic dynasty. They argue that the Will of the late prince, which asks ex-Empress, Eugenie, to cooperate with Prince Victor, was written on the assumption that the testator would survive Prince Jerome. This reasoning, however, is considered a transparent excuse for non-observance of the impracticable will of the prince imperial. Rouher’s retirement from active politics is evidently owing to a feeling that he and Jerome could not act together, and the latter could not be set aside. What between Jerome’s possible adherence to the republic and the impossibility of the clerical section of the Bonapartists choosing a leader without either acting against the wishes of the prince imperial’s will or provoking a distinct disavowal from Victor, the Bonapartists are in one of the most perplexing positions ever occupied by any party.
CODICIL TO THE PRINCE IMPERIAL’S WILL
London, July 1 -- The Paris Gaulois publishes a codicil to the will of the Prince Imperial. It states in clear and precise terms what where the wishes and aspirations of the young prince. He says: "The duty which our house owes to our country will not lapse by my death. The arduous and glorious task of continuing the work of the first Napoleon will depend, in the event of my death, upon the oldest son of Prince Jerome Napoleon, who, by the laws of succession of our house, is my heir. I trust that my beloved mother, by seconding him in the discharge of the responsibilities and duties which, in the event of my death, will devolve upon him, will give to me, when I am no longer upon this earth, this last and supreme proof of her affection for me and of her love of France."
THE BREAKING UP OF IMPERIALISM IN FRANCE
The death of the Prince Imperial of France has wrought the expected demoralization in the ranks of the party which looked upon him as its master. The faction has at once become less numerous; what is left of it is divided, and the legitimate head of the family refused to be the imperialist leader. There is an end of the confident hopes entertained by the managers that the republic would speedily all, and that the empire would infallibly succeed it. The sad death of the prince has already brought accessions to the republic, and it is, therefore, stronger than ever; and even if the present government were to be destroyed, there is no empire ready to take its place. It may not be safe to place too implicit confidence in the disclaimer by Prince Jerome of imperial pretensions. He may be sincere, and he many not be, and even if he says no more than he intends to stand by, yet means may be found to alter his determination. But for the time being, the effect of his position is as decisive as it if were certain that he will not change it. M. Rouher may and does, characteristically, accept him as master, and will take back all the evil things he has said and thought of the prince. Others, however, are less facile. They can see no hope of a restoration, and they would hardly be pleased with an empire with Prince Napoleon at the head of it. Accordingly, they either go over to the monarchy or accept the republic, leaving behind them a weakened and divided party which has suddenly lost hope, and which can no longer pretend to have a future.
This result shows most clearly how artificial was the bond that held the imperialists together. Their very existence as a party is seen to have depended upon the life of one young man, of no particular brilliancy of talents. To some of the faction, imperialism was m erely the most promising form of opposition to the republic. To others, it opened a splendid prospect of irresponsible power. To others still, imperialism was a spell, -- something that the superstitious might regard as unconquerable and inextinguishable, which one must contend against at his peril. But the loss of one frail life has changed everything. Imperialism has become, for the time, the least of the dangers to the republic. Adhesion to the party gives no encouragement to hope for power or reward. The magic there was in the name of the imperial family has disappeared. The party has no common rallying ground, no bearer of its standard, no power in the present, and no prospect in the future. Those whom interest held to it are deserting the cause. The leaders are vowing fidelity to one who asks nothing of them. The party is hopelessly broken to pieces.
And yet, who can say what will happen in the next ten or twenty years? The republic has lasted a long time already, but is it to be permanent? There are great dangers yet to be encountered, and the opponents of the existing system are watchful and wily. The present head of the Bonaparte family is already in his fifty-seventh year. Who can answer for his sons, if he should persist in his resolution not to aspire to the throne? The outlook for the party is decidedly not reassuring at this time, but more than once in the past, it has been quite as destitute of encouragement. It seems as if France had learned much, and had made great progress in the art of self government in the last ten years. We hope the appearance is not deceitful. At present, there is nothing to raise a serious doubt on that head. But all political events in France are to be regarded with extreme caution. Confidence in the stability of anything may be grievously misplaced. The present only is secure. The republic exists, with the support of a great majority of the people. The monarchy is the dream of enthusiasts, who have neither the courage nor the skill requisite to establish it. The empire, which was the most menacing danger, has been rendered impossible, for a time at least. If it ever becomes a real danger again, it will be made so by the exceeding folly of the republicans, whose wisdom it must be confessed is not a trustworthy safeguard against the revival of imperialism.
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