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CAULAINCOURT'S REPORT TO THE EMPEROR
Translated for the New York Evening Post From the Paris Moniteur.
PARIS, 12th April 1815.
Sire,
If prudence imposes upon me the duty of not indiscreetly offering
to your majesty a phantom of chimerical dangers, it is not less a
sacred obligation upon me, not to suffer t be lulled into a
deceitful security, that vigilance which I am bound to exert for
the preservation of peace -- that great interest of France, that
first object of your Majesty's wishes. To see danger where it
does not exist may rouse it, and produce it. On the other hand,
to shut our eyes to the symptoms which may be its harbingers,
would be an act of inexcusable oversight.
I ought not withhold, Sire, although no
positive opinion can yet be formed, of the intentions of the
Foreign powers, a resolution formally announced, which ought to
serve us as the presage of an early war -- appearances
sufficiently warrant uneasiness, alarming symptoms appear in all
quarters. In vain you oppose the calm of reason, to the
turbulence of passions. An inconceivable system threatens to
prevail among the powers -- that of arraying themselves for war
without allowing preliminary explanations with the nation they
are about to fight. By what ever pretext such a step may be
attempted to be justified -- the conduct of your Majesty is the
clearest refutation of it. The facts speak, they are simple,
precise, incontestible -- and on the simple expositions which I
make of these facts, the councils of your Majesty, the councils
of all the Sovereigns of Europe, governments and people can
equally judge of this important matter. For several days, Sire, I
have felt the necessity of calling your attention to the
preparations of diverse foreign governments -- but the appearance
of trouble which displayed itself for a moment in some of our
southern provinces -- perhaps that sentiment, so natural for us
to desire above every thing, the suppression of all internal
dissentions -- would have hindered me, in spite of myself, from
viewing in so serious a light the threatening preparations which
we observe abroad. The rapid dispersion of the enemies of our
domestic repose, relieves me from any uneasiness of that kind.
The French nation has a right to learn the truth from its
government; and at no time more than the present could it have
been the wish as well as the interest of the government to speak
the whole truth. You Sire, resumed your crown on the first of
March. It is one among the events so much beyond the calculation
of human reason, that they escaped the foresight of Kings and the
sagacity of their ministers. On the first rumour of your arrival
on the borders of Provence, the Monarchs assembled at Vienna only
beheld the Sovereign of Elba, when already your Majesty reigned
anew over the French Empire. It was only in the palace of the
Tuilleries, that your Majesty first learned of the existence of
their declaration of the 13th. The signatures of that
inexplicable act had already, of themselves, indicated that your
Majesty would not deign to reply.
Nevertheless, all the proclamations, all the words of your
Majesty, loudly attest the sincerity of your wishes for the
preservation of peace. It became my duty to inform the agents
employed abroad by the royal government, that their functions had
ceased, and to tell them that your Majesty was about to nominate
new legations. In your desire of not leaving any doubts of your
real sentiments, your Majesty ordered me to enjoin on these
agents to be the interpreters of those sentiments at the
different cabinets. I fulfilled these orders by writing on March
30th to the ambassadors, ministers and other agents, the
subjoined letter No. 1. Not satisfied with this first step, your
Majesty was desirous, under these extraordinary circumstances, to
give the declaration of your pacific sentiments a character still
more authenticand solemn. It appeared to your Majesty that your
could not convey the expression with more eclat, than by writing
with your own hand a letter to the foreign sovereigns. At the
same time you enjoined me to make a similar declaration to the
ministers. These two letters, of which copies are subjoined, No.
2 and 3, forwarded the 5th of this month, are a monument which
ought to perpetuate forever, the frankness and correctness of the
views of your Imperial Majesty.
Whilst the moments of your Majesty were thus occupied, and to use
the expression, filled with one thought, what has been the
conduct of the different powers? At all times nations are
disposed to facilitate the communications of their governments
with each other, and the cabinets themselves are eager to render
their communication easy. During peace, the object of such
communication is to prolong its duration; during war it tends to
the re-establishment of peace. It was reserved for the present
times to behold a congress of Monarchs, simultaneously interdict
all communication with a great state, to exclude the access of
its friendly assurances. The Couriers sent from Paris on March 30th,
for different Courts, have not reached their destination. One was
prevented passing Strasburgh, and the Austrian General, who
commanded at Kehl, refused to allow him a passage, even on
condition of being accompanied by an escort. Another sent to
Italy has been obliged to return from Turin without being able to
accomplish his mission. A third destined for Berlin and the North,
has been arrested at Mentz and cruelly used by the Prussian
Commander -- his dispatches have been seized by the Austrian
General who commanded in Chief at that place. Under the Nos. 4, 5
and 6, are the statements relative to the obstruction the
Couriers have experienced on their different routes. I also
learned that among the Couriers dispatched on the 5th of this
month, those for Germany and Italy have been unable to pass the
frontiers. I have no accounts of those despatched for England and
the North. Since an almost impenetrable barrier is thus presented
between the French Minister and his agents abroad, it is only,
Sire, by the public acts of the foreign governments, that he is
able to judge of their intentions.
ENGLAND
The constitution of England submits the Monarch to fixed
obligations towards the nation which he governs -- unable to act
without its concurrence, he is obliged to impart to it, if not
the formal, at least the probable resolutions. The message
addressed to Parliament on the 5th of this month by the Prince
Regent, is not calculated to inspire confidence in the friends of
peace. I have the honor to submit this to your Majesty in No. 7.
A preliminary remark ought sensibly to affect those who
understand the rights of the people and who enhance it by seeing
them respected by Monarchs. The sole motive alleged by the Prince
Regent to justify the measures which he announces as his
intention to adopt is, that in France events have occurred
contrary to the engagements made by the allied powers among
themselves -- and the Sovereign of a free nation seems to pay no
regard to the wishes of the great people among whom these events
have taken place. It seems that in 1815, England and its princes
do no remember 1688. It seems that the allied powers, because
they had a momentary advantage over the French nation, thought
that they might venture, with respect to the internal arrangement
of all others most interesting to it, to stipulate irrevocably,
on its behalf, and without its consent, in contempt of the most
sacred of its rights!
The Prince Regent declares that he has given orders to augment
the British forces by land as well as by sea. Thus the French
nation, for which he seems to have so little respect, ought to be
upon its guard; she may dread a continental aggression, and at
the same time must keep a watchful eye along her line of Coast
against the possibility of an invasion. It is, says the Prince
Regent, to render the security of Europe permanent that he claims
the aid of the English nation -- and why does he require such aid
when that security is not threatened? In other respects the
connexions of the two countries have not experienced any
remarkable alteration. On some points particular facts prove that
the English take pains to preserve all the relations established
by the Peace -- on others -- different circumstances induce a
contrary belief. The letters from Rochefort (Nos. 8 and 9)
mention some incidents which, if confirmed, will augur
unfavorably, unless satisfactorily explained. But our information
as to those incidents, does not as yet afford a character to give
them great importance. In Austria, Russia and Prussia, all parts
of Germany, Italy, in short, every where a general arming appears.
AUSTRIA
At Vienna the call of the Landwerh, lately dismissed, the opening
of a new loan, the daily depreciation of paper money --
everything, in short, announces the intention or the dread of war.
Strong Austrian columns are in march to reinforce the numerous
corps already assembled in Italy -- one may doubt if they are
intended for aggressive war, or if they are for any other purpose
than to maintain submission in Piedmont, Genoa, and other parts
of the Italian territories, where jarring interests may excite
discontent.
NAPLES
In the midst of these hostile indications of Austria towards
Italy, the King of Naples could not rest tranquil. That Prince
whom the Allies had previously invited to their aid, of whom they
had acknowledged and guaranteed the continuance, could not be
ignorant that their politics modified by different circumstances,
would have endangered his throne, if too readily confiding in
their promises, he had not strengthened himself as much as
possible. Prudence dictated that he should take some steps in
advance, and the necessity of covering his Kingdom compelled him
to take some military positions in the Roman States.
PRUSSIA
The movements in Prussia have not less activity. Everywhere the
corps are filled and completed; the officers are obliged to join
their corps; to hasten their march, free post is allowed them,
and this sacrifice, light in appearance, but made by a
calculating government, is so feeble proof of the interest it
places in the rapidity of its preparations.
SARDINIA
Since the first arrival of your Majesty, a commander of English
troops, in concert with the governor of the Province of Nice,
took possession of Monaco (Nos. 10 and 11). According to ancient
treaties confirmed by that of Paris, France alone has to demand
satisfaction for the offence at the courts of London and Turin.
It ought to require the evacuation of Monaco, and the
reinstatement of a French garrison according to Treaty. But your
Majesty will doubtless suppose that this is only a matter of
explanation, provided that the determination of the Sardinian
government, and above all that of the English commander, have
been accidental, and an effect arising from the inquietude
produced by extraordinary movements.
SPAIN
The news from Spain, and the official letter of M. De Laval, of
March 28th (No. 12) announces that an army is about to place
itself on the line of the Pyrenees. The strength of that army
will necessarily depend on the interior situation of that
monarchy, and its ulterior movements on the determination of
other States. France will observe that these orders have been
given at the request of M. the Duke, and Madame the Duchess of
Angouleme. Thus in 1815 as in 1790 -- there are princes born in
France who invite foreigners into our territory.
THE NETHERLANDS
The assemblage of troops of different nations which has taken
place in the new Kingdom of the Low Countries, and the numerous
debarkations of English troops are known to your Majesty -- a
private fact adds to the suspicion, that this assemblage is
agreeable to the inclination of the sovereign of that country. I
have just been informed (No. 13 and 14) that an escort of 120 men
and 12 officers, French prisoners, returning from Russia, have
been arrested by his orders near Tirlemont. Reserving to myself
to procure more accurate information on that subject, and to
demand, if necessary, redress for such a proceeding, I confine
myself at present to the statement of the fact to your Majesty,
considering the importance it receives from its connection with
other circumstances that are occurring around us. In every part
of Europe at once, preparations are being made -- they are arming,
marching or preparing to march. And these great armaments,
against whom are they intended? Sire, it is your Majesty who is
named, but it is France that is threatened -- a peace less
favourable than the powers ever ventured to offer you, is that
with which your Majesty would now be satisfied. What reasons can
they have not to offer now those stipulated at Chaumont, and
those which they signed at Paris. It is not against the Monarchy
-- it is against the French nation, against the independence of
the people; against everything they hold dear, against everything
they have acquired by 25 years of sufferings and glory, against
our liberty, against our institutions, that our exasperated
enemies would make war. A part of the Bourbon family, and some
men who, for a long time, have ceased to be Frenchmen, seek again
to raise the nations of Germany and the North, in hope to enter a
second time by force of arms upon a soil which disowns them and
will not receive them -- a similar appeal has, for a moment, been
made to some southern countries; and it is from Spanish troops
that they would demand the crown of France. It is by a family
again become retired and private that foreign aid is implored.
Where are the public functionaries, the troops of the line, the
national guards, or inhabitants, who accompanied their flight
beyond our frontiers? To re-establish again the Bourbons would be
to declare war against the whole French people -- Since then,
your Majesty entered Paris with an escort of a few men -- when
Bordeaux, Toulouse, Marseilles and all the south has one day,
disengaged themselves from the pledges which had been exacted
from them, was it military movement which produces these miracles
or rather was it not a national movement -- a movement common to
every French heart, that blends in one sentiment love of country
with the love of the Sovereign who knows how to defend it?
It would be then to restore a family, neither of courage nor
manners; who never knew how to appreciate the elevation of our
souls -- nor understood the extent of our rights -- It would be
to place on our necks the triple yoke of absolute monarchy,
fanaticism and feudalism, that all Europe seems ready again to
rise in arms. They would say that France confined within its
ancient limits, when those of the other powers are so
prodigiously enlarged; that France free, rich, only in the high
character which its revolutions have left it, holds still too
large a space in the Map of the world.
Yes, if contrary to the most ardent wishes of your Majesty, the
Foreign Powers give the signal for a new war -- it is France
itself -- it is the whole nation they would assail when they
pretend it is only its Sovereign they would attack, when they
affect to separate the nation from the Emperor.
The contract between France and your Majesty is the most binding
that a nation ever had with its Prince -- the people and the
Monarch can only have the same friends and the same enemies. If
personal provocations are excited between Sovereign and Sovereign,
it can only be considered as a common duel. What did Francis I in
his conduct towards Charles V? He sent him a challenge. But to
distinguish the chief of a nation from the nation itself, to
protest that they only want the person of the Prince himself, and
to march against him a million men, is playing too much with the
credulity of the people. The sole and true end that foreign
powers can promise themselves in the formation of a new coalition
would be weakening and debasing France, and to bring about that
end, the surest means in their view will be to force upon it a
government without strength and without energy. This policy on
their part is not altogether new. The example has been afforded
them by great masters.
Thus the Romans proscribed Mithridates, and Nicomedes, and
extended their haughty protection only to that Attalus and
Prusias, who honored by them with the title of their freemen,
acknowledged themselves to hold only from them their dominions
and their crown! Thus the French nation would be like those
Asiatic nations, to whom the caprice of Rome gave for kings
princes whose submission and dependence were the most certain. In
that sense the efforts which could at present induce the allied
powers, could have no other end in view but to bring us again a
dynasty refused by public opinion. It could not be, particularly,
the Bourbons they would protect. For a long time their cause
abandoned by themselves, has been so by all Europe, and this
unfortunate family have only everywhere experienced the most
bitter contempt. It matters little to the allies the choice of
the monarch they would place on the throne of France, provided
they find in him weakness and pusillanimity; this would be the
greatest outrage that could be committed against a magnanimous
and generous nation. It is that which has already so deeply
wounded the hearts of Frenchmen, that of which the renewal would
be the most insupportable.
When in the last months of 1813, the famous declaration was
published at Franckfort, in which it was solemnly announced that
it was the wish of all that France should be great, happy and
free, what was the result of these pompous assurances? At the
same instance, the neutrality of Helvetia was violated. When at
length, on French soil, in order to cool patriotism and
disorganize the interior, they continued promising France and
existence and free laws -- the event soon showed what confidence
ought to be placed in similar engagements.
Enlightenment by experience, France is awake -- there is not one
of its citizens who does not observe and judge of what passes
around her. Confined to her ancient frontier, whilst she cannot
give umbrage to other governments, every attack against her
sovereign is, in its consequences, to intermeddle (?) in her
domestic affairs, and can only appear to her as an attempt to
divide her force by civil war and to consummate her ruin and
dismemberment.
Nevertheless, Sire, it is as yet threats without hostility. Your
Majesty would not wish those incidents which may arise from the
will of individual commanders, either little attentive to the
orders of their courts, or ready to follow what they suppose to
be their intentions, should be considered as acts emanating from
the powers, and as having broken the peace. No official act
betrays the determination of a rupture; we are reduced to vague
conjectures, to rumors that may be false. It appears certain that
on March 25th a new agreement was signed, in which the powers
confirmed the former alliance of Chaumont. If the object is
defensive, it is within the scope of your Majesty's views, and
France has nothing to complain of; if otherwise, it is the
independence of the French nation that will be attacked, and
France well knows how to repel so odious an aggression.
The Prince Regent of England declares that he wishes before he
acts, to have an understanding with the other powers. All these
powers are armed and deliberating. France excluded from these
deliberations, of which she is the chief object, France
deliberates alone, and is yet unarmed.
In circumstances so serious -- in the midst of uncertainty as
regards the disposition of foreign powers -- dispositions of
which the exterior acts are of a nature to authorize just alarms
-- the sentiments and wishes of your Majesty to maintain peace
and the treaty of Paris, ought not to hinder proper precautions.
I have, in consequence, thought it right to call the attention of
your Majesty, and the reflections of his council, the measures
which France should adopt, for the preservation of its rights,
the safety of its territory, and the defense of national honor.
The minister of foreign affairs,
(Signed) Caulaincourt
Duke of Vicenza.
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-Napoleon Bonaparte
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