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ESSEX REGISTER
Salem, MA. Wednesday, June 22, 1814
INQUIRY INTO THE ORIGIN OF THE BOURBON FAMILY
An innocent curiosity leads us to inquire into the origin and reputation of the family of Bourbon, rising again to power in France with new glory. This restoration monarchy in England distinguishes a period of English history far more illustrious than any which had preceded it, by advantages to the national liberty, and by accessions to its dominions, to its commerce, and to its naval glory. And it must be visible, more powerful causes combine to give as elevated greatness to France, that have distinguished any portion of its past history. The house of Bourbon has been in high honor for more than four centuries. It has been pronounced the most ancient in Europe, the most powerful and the most numerous. It has possessed many thrones, and has extended its power in every portion of the globe. While it has produced the greatest Generals, it has also produced the greatest of Kings. All Europe has not a name to compare with that of Henry Fourth, and we may pronounce of Louis the Fourteenth, that whatever were the vices of his age, the blessings of his genius have been inherited by mankind. When Louis the Sixteenth expired upon the scaffold, our states lamented the death of a friend, whom future generations will recollect with gratitude and with the boldest expectations from a revolution no citizen refused to lament, that the power of so great a family should expire in him, whom all reckoned one of the best, but most unfortunate of Kings. But the age of revolution has been a short one, and the family is reinstated in all its honors, we trust to possess the best affections of an enlightened and happy people, in the possession of that civil liberty which can preserve itself without violence and convulsions. The person who takes the name of Louis XVIII — Louis Stanislaus Xavier, was born at Versailles, 17th November 1755. His brother Charles Philip, Duke of Artois, was born at the same place on 9th October 1757, and was the representative of his brother till his arrival at Paris from England. The prince, now King of France, retired from France into Germany, and thence into Italy, and Poland, and from the north went to England. While a fugitive he had little influence upon European affairs, and his private history will be important only in relation to the future history of his power. On the shores of the Baltic he became the guardian friend of the only daughter of Louis XVI, who had been given up to the Emperor of Germany, to whose family she belonged, as the Emperor, now Emperor of Austria, Francis II, was the son of the brother of her mother.
This daughter has since been married to the son of the Duke of Artois, who was born in 1775, and now has the title of Duke d’Angouleme, and who also was the companion of his uncle during his residence in England. The present King has no wife or children, and the Duke of Derry, another son of the Duke d’Artois, is still unmarried. It is also said that another brother, the Prince of Conde, born in 1736, is without children, the elder brother Prince of Conti, born in 1734, has children. A sister of Louis XVI married the father of the present King of Sardinia. Philip, Duke of Anjou, became King of Spain in 1746, descended from Louis XIV, and this house has given five Kings to Spain, and from it are the royal branches, which have possessed Naples and Etruria. The son of the Duke of Orleans, and the son who visited our states, Louis Philip, was born in 1773, and has married into the family of the King of the two Siciles, and had resided in Sicily. We are not then to wonder that the restoration of this House should be thought, in the present state of Europe, favorable to the tranquility which has long been desired. And it is not unreasonable to expect that the present condition of France, after its great revolutions, will so far contribute to remove the former abuses, as to make the restoration favorable to the duration of the royal government, and to the best establishment of the national prosperity. Charles the fourth of Spain was born in 1748, and Ferdinand the Prince of the Asturias in 1784. Ferdinand the fourth, King of Naples, was born in 1751, and Louis, King of Etruria, in 1773. The restoration of the royal family of Spain will assist to recover the privileges of the family in Italy, but in what extent, may be made to depend upon the political arrangements which have been admitted to ensure a full concurrence in the restoration of the Crown of France to the House of Bourbon.
Of the real intent of the King of France, we have no sure instructions. It might be expected that the great changes in the family would make deep impressions upon every mind capable of reflection, and that the novel circumstances creating new wants and cares wold oblige such cultivation of the understanding as might not be expected in the days of uninterrupted prosperity. It is a ground of good hope, when no personal invectives have given alarm from the past history of the Prince respecting his follies or his vices. H may then be qualified for all the duties he owes to a nation returning to them the former allegiance from which nothing but his own unpardonable folly can alienate them. We do not behold a republic abandoning the principles of a revolution which had rewarded their labors in the freedom they professed to love. The first experiments had no promise of their late constitution. They created a military power, and they suffered it to increase at its own will. It became what their greatness could render it. It was not the condition they sought. With all their discoveries they now return to the former state, with no other hopes than the greater wisdom and elevated character of the nation can give them. At the moment of the return of the ancient house of Bourbon to France, we cannot forget the option which was given by Mr. Moore in his journal in 1792, a work which was read with general attention at the time of its first appearance. During his residence in France he observes, "The emigration of the Noblesse was most unfortunate. I speak of that which took place at the beginning of the revolution, when it was still safe for them to remain in the country, and not of those which happened since, and were absolutely necessary for self-preservation; but it is more than probable that the necessity for these last emigrations arose from the unnecessary one which took place at first. The earliest emigrants being considered as the instigators of a combination of foreign powers against France, the odium against them became stronger every day and was extended to the whole class. They who remained were accused of meanness by those without, in submitting to the new order of things. After the tenth of August it became dangerous to remain in France. We give the substance of his remarks, as they acquire a high value from the explanation which some events give them, and lead us to suppose that the same great ends might have been attained by domestic union, without the scenes which have intervened between the commencement of the revolution and the final event of it.
By a late arrival we have expectations of Europe, without any documents to justify them. We are assured that Louis XVIII had reached Paris with all the ceremonies of an affectionate welcome. He was received by the allies with many congratulations, and it was believed that the next meeting of the Emperors and Princes would be in England. Lord Wellington had been named as ambassador to the new court of France, loaded with honours. The King of France had received the constitution, with such claims of future discussion as must commit to future inquiries of the principles of the restoration. It is insinuated that a more complete return to the former government might be accomplished, than appeared in the articles proposed to the King upon his accession. The strength of parties will be known only in the discussion. This revolution has embraced all its objects. The fleets at Toulon and Antwerp were in the possession of the new government. The arrangements proposed were, to deliver the duchy of Warsaw to Russia, in such an extent as might satisfy the Emperor, and to resign to Austria, Venice and such other possessions in the south as might give content to that house, while Prussia was to recover Saxony. It was reported that the King of Holland would receive the Netherlands and be induced to resign such a part of the colonial claims of Holland as might accommodate the English nation. In the distribution the family of the late French Emperor is to have some acknowledgements in Italy for herself and for her son, and the Viceroy is named in the plan of arrangements. We consider these notices as such only as arise to the public opinion, and seem to be adapted to the general tranquility. We are far from a full persuasion that the arrangements will be so made, or that the tranquility of Europe is such as to admit the arbitrary assignations of the moment. The moral as well as political state of the world is too plainly to be read in the late occurrences to allow us to put great confidence in the boldest projects for Princely Greatness. The troubles of Norway are an example of the national jealousies which still exist, and though the accounts are contradictory, they explain the deep rooted prejudices of ancient nations. The return of the Holy Father to Rome is announced. The exercises of his authority in the Gallican church are mentioned as still in question, and as admitting a conformity to such future changes as the new Government may contemplate. Much is yet in futurity as to his power. Of the congress nothing is known. It is represented that it will probably be in London. The part which will be assigned to our States in the general pacification, is anticipated in all the forms it can receive from the prejudices of Europe and America. That ministers have been appointed to our separate negotiation is announced, and how far the war shall be continued, will depend on propositions which have not yet been made. The British nation at present possesses a powerful influence upon European affairs, but this will change as the interests of nations are found to interfere. We still believe that the restoration of peace will be the pursuit of the present policy of Europe. We cannot refuse to believe that foreign nations would desire to bring our domestic affairs into such a form as will extend most readily their influence upon our national character. And it is not improbable that they who imagine they have discovered the best expedients will recommend them. It is not contrary to our safety that all the dangers should be well known to us. We refuse no advantages, under whatever name they may reach us. The promotion of our national glory is our sublime object, and we shall sacrifice it to no power on earth, and surely not to the fears or wishes which any men may express at their pleasure.
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