+ |
NEW YORK HERALD -- JUNE 7, 1815
Wednesday, June 7, 1815
CAULAINCOURT'S REPORT TO THE EMPEROR
Translated for the New York Evening Post From the Paris Moniteur.
PARIS, 12th April 1815.
Sire,
If prudence imposes upon me the duty of not indiscreetly offering
to your majesty a phantom of chimerical dangers, it is not less a
sacred obligation upon me, not to suffer t be lulled into a
deceitful security, that vigilance which I am bound to exert for
the preservation of peace -- that great interest of France, that
first object of your Majesty's wishes. To see danger where it
does not exist may rouse it, and produce it. On the other hand,
to shut our eyes to the symptoms which may be its harbingers,
would be an act of inexcusable oversight.
I ought not withhold, Sire, although no
positive opinion can yet be formed, of the intentions of the
Foreign powers, a resolution formally announced, which ought to
serve us as the presage of an early war -- appearances
sufficiently warrant uneasiness, alarming symptoms appear in all
quarters. In vain you oppose the calm of reason, to the
turbulence of passions. An inconceivable system threatens to
prevail among the powers -- that of arraying themselves for war
without allowing preliminary explanations with the nation they
are about to fight. By what ever pretext such a step may be
attempted to be justified -- the conduct of your Majesty is the
clearest refutation of it. The facts speak, they are simple,
precise, incontestible -- and on the simple expositions which I
make of these facts, the councils of your Majesty, the councils
of all the Sovereigns of Europe, governments and people can
equally judge of this important matter. For several days, Sire, I
have felt the necessity of calling your attention to the
preparations of diverse foreign governments -- but the appearance
of trouble which displayed itself for a moment in some of our
southern provinces -- perhaps that sentiment, so natural for us
to desire above every thing, the suppression of all internal
dissentions -- would have hindered me, in spite of myself, from
viewing in so serious a light the threatening preparations which
we observe abroad. The rapid dispersion of the enemies of our
domestic repose, relieves me from any uneasiness of that kind.
The French nation has a right to learn the truth from its
government; and at no time more than the present could it have
been the wish as well as the interest of the government to speak
the whole truth. You Sire, resumed your crown on the first of
March. It is one among the events so much beyond the calculation
of human reason, that they escaped the foresight of Kings and the
sagacity of their ministers. On the first rumour of your arrival
on the borders of Provence, the Monarchs assembled at Vienna only
beheld the Sovereign of Elba, when already your Majesty reigned
anew over the French Empire. It was only in the palace of the
Tuilleries, that your Majesty first learned of the existence of
their declaration of the 13th. The signatures of that
inexplicable act had already, of themselves, indicated that your
Majesty would not deign to reply.
Nevertheless, all the proclamations, all the words of your
Majesty, loudly attest the sincerity of your wishes for the
preservation of peace. It became my duty to inform the agents
employed abroad by the royal government, that their functions had
ceased, and to tell them that your Majesty was about to nominate
new legations. In your desire of not leaving any doubts of your
real sentiments, your Majesty ordered me to enjoin on these
agents to be the interpreters of those sentiments at the
different cabinets. I fulfilled these orders by writing on March
30th to the ambassadors, ministers and other agents, the
subjoined letter No. 1. Not satisfied with this first step, your
Majesty was desirous, under these extraordinary circumstances, to
give the declaration of your pacific sentiments a character still
more authenticand solemn. It appeared to your Majesty that your
could not convey the expression with more eclat, than by writing
with your own hand a letter to the foreign sovereigns. At the
same time you enjoined me to make a similar declaration to the
ministers. These two letters, of which copies are subjoined, No.
2 and 3, forwarded the 5th of this month, are a monument which
ought to perpetuate forever, the frankness and correctness of the
views of your Imperial Majesty.
Whilst the moments of your Majesty were thus occupied, and to use
the expression, filled with one thought, what has been the
conduct of the different powers? At all times nations are
disposed to facilitate the communications of their governments
with each other, and the cabinets themselves are eager to render
their communication easy. During peace, the object of such
communication is to prolong its duration; during war it tends to
the re-establishment of peace. It was reserved for the present
times to behold a congress of Monarchs, simultaneously interdict
all communication with a great state, to exclude the access of
its friendly assurances. The Couriers sent from Paris on March 30th,
for different Courts, have not reached their destination. One was
prevented passing Strasburgh, and the Austrian General, who
commanded at Kehl, refused to allow him a passage, even on
condition of being accompanied by an escort. Another sent to
Italy has been obliged to return from Turin without being able to
accomplish his mission. A third destined for Berlin and the North,
has been arrested at Mentz and cruelly used by the Prussian
Commander -- his dispatches have been seized by the Austrian
General who commanded in Chief at that place. Under the Nos. 4, 5
and 6, are the statements relative to the obstruction the
Couriers have experienced on their different routes. I also
learned that among the Couriers dispatched on the 5th of this
month, those for Germany and Italy have been unable to pass the
frontiers. I have no accounts of those despatched for England and
the North. Since an almost impenetrable barrier is thus presented
between the French Minister and his agents abroad, it is only,
Sire, by the public acts of the foreign governments, that he is
able to judge of their intentions.
ENGLAND
The constitution of England submits the Monarch to fixed
obligations towards the nation which he governs -- unable to act
without its concurrence, he is obliged to impart to it, if not
the formal, at least the probable resolutions. The message
addressed to Parliament on the 5th of this month by the Prince
Regent, is not calculated to inspire confidence in the friends of
peace. I have the honor to submit this to your Majesty in No. 7.
A preliminary remark ought sensibly to affect those who
understand the rights of the people and who enhance it by seeing
them respected by Monarchs. The sole motive alleged by the Prince
Regent to justify the measures which he announces as his
intention to adopt is, that in France events have occurred
contrary to the engagements made by the allied powers among
themselves -- and the Sovereign of a free nation seems to pay no
regard to the wishes of the great people among whom these events
have taken place. It seems that in 1815, England and its princes
do no remember 1688. It seems that the allied powers, because
they had a momentary advantage over the French nation, thought
that they might venture, with respect to the internal arrangement
of all others most interesting to it, to stipulate irrevocably,
on its behalf, and without its consent, in contempt of the most
sacred of its rights!
The Prince Regent declares that he has given orders to augment
the British forces by land as well as by sea. Thus the French
nation, for which he seems to have so little respect, ought to be
upon its guard; she may dread a continental aggression, and at
the same time must keep a watchful eye along her line of Coast
against the possibility of an invasion. It is, says the Prince
Regent, to render the security of Europe permanent that he claims
the aid of the English nation -- and why does he require such aid
when that security is not threatened? In other respects the
connexions of the two countries have not experienced any
remarkable alteration. On some points particular facts prove that
the English take pains to preserve all the relations established
by the Peace -- on others -- different circumstances induce a
contrary belief. The letters from Rochefort (Nos. 8 and 9)
mention some incidents which, if confirmed, will augur
unfavorably, unless satisfactorily explained. But our information
as to those incidents, does not as yet afford a character to give
them great importance. In Austria, Russia and Prussia, all parts
of Germany, Italy, in short, every where a general arming appears.
AUSTRIA
At Vienna the call of the Landwerh, lately dismissed, the opening
of a new loan, the daily depreciation of paper money --
everything, in short, announces the intention or the dread of war.
Strong Austrian columns are in march to reinforce the numerous
corps already assembled in Italy -- one may doubt if they are
intended for aggressive war, or if they are for any other purpose
than to maintain submission in Piedmont, Genoa, and other parts
of the Italian territories, where jarring interests may excite
discontent.
NAPLES
In the midst of these hostile indications of Austria towards
Italy, the King of Naples could not rest tranquil. That Prince
whom the Allies had previously invited to their aid, of whom they
had acknowledged and guaranteed the continuance, could not be
ignorant that their politics modified by different circumstances,
would have endangered his throne, if too readily confiding in
their promises, he had not strengthened himself as much as
possible. Prudence dictated that he should take some steps in
advance, and the necessity of covering his Kingdom compelled him
to take some military positions in the Roman States.
PRUSSIA
The movements in Prussia have not less activity. Everywhere the
corps are filled and completed; the officers are obliged to join
their corps; to hasten their march, free post is allowed them,
and this sacrifice, light in appearance, but made by a
calculating government, is so feeble proof of the interest it
places in the rapidity of its preparations.
SARDINIA
Since the first arrival of your Majesty, a commander of English
troops, in concert with the governor of the Province of Nice,
took possession of Monaco (Nos. 10 and 11). According to ancient
treaties confirmed by that of Paris, France alone has to demand
satisfaction for the offence at the courts of London and Turin.
It ought to require the evacuation of Monaco, and the
reinstatement of a French garrison according to Treaty. But your
Majesty will doubtless suppose that this is only a matter of
explanation, provided that the determination of the Sardinian
government, and above all that of the English commander, have
been accidental, and an effect arising from the inquietude
produced by extraordinary movements.
SPAIN
The news from Spain, and the official letter of M. De Laval, of
March 28th (No. 12) announces that an army is about to place
itself on the line of the Pyrenees. The strength of that army
will necessarily depend on the interior situation of that
monarchy, and its ulterior movements on the determination of
other States. France will observe that these orders have been
given at the request of M. the Duke, and Madame the Duchess of
Angouleme. Thus in 1815 as in 1790 -- there are princes born in
France who invite foreigners into our territory.
THE NETHERLANDS
The assemblage of troops of different nations which has taken
place in the new Kingdom of the Low Countries, and the numerous
debarkations of English troops are known to your Majesty -- a
private fact adds to the suspicion, that this assemblage is
agreeable to the inclination of the sovereign of that country. I
have just been informed (No. 13 and 14) that an escort of 120 men
and 12 officers, French prisoners, returning from Russia, have
been arrested by his orders near Tirlemont. Reserving to myself
to procure more accurate information on that subject, and to
demand, if necessary, redress for such a proceeding, I confine
myself at present to the statement of the fact to your Majesty,
considering the importance it receives from its connection with
other circumstances that are occurring around us. In every part
of Europe at once, preparations are being made -- they are arming,
marching or preparing to march. And these great armaments,
against whom are they intended? Sire, it is your Majesty who is
named, but it is France that is threatened -- a peace less
favourable than the powers ever ventured to offer you, is that
with which your Majesty would now be satisfied. What reasons can
they have not to offer now those stipulated at Chaumont, and
those which they signed at Paris. It is not against the Monarchy
-- it is against the French nation, against the independence of
the people; against everything they hold dear, against everything
they have acquired by 25 years of sufferings and glory, against
our liberty, against our institutions, that our exasperated
enemies would make war. A part of the Bourbon family, and some
men who, for a long time, have ceased to be Frenchmen, seek again
to raise the nations of Germany and the North, in hope to enter a
second time by force of arms upon a soil which disowns them and
will not receive them -- a similar appeal has, for a moment, been
made to some southern countries; and it is from Spanish troops
that they would demand the crown of France. It is by a family
again become retired and private that foreign aid is implored.
Where are the public functionaries, the troops of the line, the
national guards, or inhabitants, who accompanied their flight
beyond our frontiers? To re-establish again the Bourbons would be
to declare war against the whole French people -- Since then,
your Majesty entered Paris with an escort of a few men -- when
Bordeaux, Toulouse, Marseilles and all the south has one day,
disengaged themselves from the pledges which had been exacted
from them, was it military movement which produces these miracles
or rather was it not a national movement -- a movement common to
every French heart, that blends in one sentiment love of country
with the love of the Sovereign who knows how to defend it?
It would be then to restore a family, neither of courage nor
manners; who never knew how to appreciate the elevation of our
souls -- nor understood the extent of our rights -- It would be
to place on our necks the triple yoke of absolute monarchy,
fanaticism and feudalism, that all Europe seems ready again to
rise in arms. They would say that France confined within its
ancient limits, when those of the other powers are so
prodigiously enlarged; that France free, rich, only in the high
character which its revolutions have left it, holds still too
large a space in the Map of the world.
Yes, if contrary to the most ardent wishes of your Majesty, the
Foreign Powers give the signal for a new war -- it is France
itself -- it is the whole nation they would assail when they
pretend it is only its Sovereign they would attack, when they
affect to separate the nation from the Emperor.
The contract between France and your Majesty is the most binding
that a nation ever had with its Prince -- the people and the
Monarch can only have the same friends and the same enemies. If
personal provocations are excited between Sovereign and Sovereign,
it can only be considered as a common duel. What did Francis I in
his conduct towards Charles V? He sent him a challenge. But to
distinguish the chief of a nation from the nation itself, to
protest that they only want the person of the Prince himself, and
to march against him a million men, is playing too much with the
credulity of the people. The sole and true end that foreign
powers can promise themselves in the formation of a new coalition
would be weakening and debasing France, and to bring about that
end, the surest means in their view will be to force upon it a
government without strength and without energy. This policy on
their part is not altogether new. The example has been afforded
them by great masters.
Thus the Romans proscribed Mithridates, and Nicomedes, and
extended their haughty protection only to that Attalus and
Prusias, who honored by them with the title of their freemen,
acknowledged themselves to hold only from them their dominions
and their crown! Thus the French nation would be like those
Asiatic nations, to whom the caprice of Rome gave for kings
princes whose submission and dependence were the most certain. In
that sense the efforts which could at present induce the allied
powers, could have no other end in view but to bring us again a
dynasty refused by public opinion. It could not be, particularly,
the Bourbons they would protect. For a long time their cause
abandoned by themselves, has been so by all Europe, and this
unfortunate family have only everywhere experienced the most
bitter contempt. It matters little to the allies the choice of
the monarch they would place on the throne of France, provided
they find in him weakness and pusillanimity; this would be the
greatest outrage that could be committed against a magnanimous
and generous nation. It is that which has already so deeply
wounded the hearts of Frenchmen, that of which the renewal would
be the most insupportable.
When in the last months of 1813, the famous declaration was
published at Franckfort, in which it was solemnly announced that
it was the wish of all that France should be great, happy and
free, what was the result of these pompous assurances? At the
same instance, the neutrality of Helvetia was violated. When at
length, on French soil, in order to cool patriotism and
disorganize the interior, they continued promising France and
existence and free laws -- the event soon showed what confidence
ought to be placed in similar engagements.
Enlightenment by experience, France is awake -- there is not one
of its citizens who does not observe and judge of what passes
around her. Confined to her ancient frontier, whilst she cannot
give umbrage to other governments, every attack against her
sovereign is, in its consequences, to intermeddle (?) in her
domestic affairs, and can only appear to her as an attempt to
divide her force by civil war and to consummate her ruin and
dismemberment.
Nevertheless, Sire, it is as yet threats without hostility. Your
Majesty would not wish those incidents which may arise from the
will of individual commanders, either little attentive to the
orders of their courts, or ready to follow what they suppose to
be their intentions, should be considered as acts emanating from
the powers, and as having broken the peace. No official act
betrays the determination of a rupture; we are reduced to vague
conjectures, to rumors that may be false. It appears certain that
on March 25th a new agreement was signed, in which the powers
confirmed the former alliance of Chaumont. If the object is
defensive, it is within the scope of your Majesty's views, and
France has nothing to complain of; if otherwise, it is the
independence of the French nation that will be attacked, and
France well knows how to repel so odious an aggression.
The Prince Regent of England declares that he wishes before he
acts, to have an understanding with the other powers. All these
powers are armed and deliberating. France excluded from these
deliberations, of which she is the chief object, France
deliberates alone, and is yet unarmed.
In circumstances so serious -- in the midst of uncertainty as
regards the disposition of foreign powers -- dispositions of
which the exterior acts are of a nature to authorize just alarms
-- the sentiments and wishes of your Majesty to maintain peace
and the treaty of Paris, ought not to hinder proper precautions.
I have, in consequence, thought it right to call the attention of
your Majesty, and the reflections of his council, the measures
which France should adopt, for the preservation of its rights,
the safety of its territory, and the defense of national honor.
The minister of foreign affairs,
(Signed) Caulaincourt
Duke of Vicenza.
CIRCULAR ADDRESSED TO FOREIGN
AMBASSADORS & MINISTERS UPON NAPOLEON'S RETURN FROM ELBA
NO. I
Sir,
The wishes of the French Nation never ceased to recall the
Sovereign of their choice, the only Prince who could guarantee to
her the preservation of her liberty and her independence. The
Emperor appears; and the Royal Government no longer exists. At
the appearance of the general sentiment which both the people and
the army bore towards their legitimate Monarch, the Bourbon
family discovered that there was no other part for them to take
than to escape to a foreign country, they have quitted the French
soil, without a musket being fired or a single drop of blood shed
in their defence. The Military staff which accompanied them
assembled at Bethune where they have declared their submission to
the orders of the Emperor. They have given up their horses and
their arms -- more than half of them enter into our ranks -- the
remainder retire to their firesides, happy to find an asylum in
the generosity of his imperial majesty -- the most profound
tranquility reigns throughout the whole of the French Empire --
everywhere the same cry is heard -- never did a nation present
the spectacle of more entire unanimity in the expression of its
happiness and joy -- the great change has been the work of the
confidence of a monarch in the love of his people -- at the same
time it is the most extraordinary effect of the will of a nation
who knows its rights and its duties. The functions with which the
Royal Government charged you are terminated and I shall, without
delay, communicate the orders of his Majesty to nominate a new
legation. You ought immediately, sir, to assume the tricolored
cockade, and cause it to be worn by all Frenchmen near you. When
you leave the court near which you reside, should you have an
opportunity of seeing the Minister, you will inform him that the
Emperor desires nothing so much as the preservation of peace;
that his Majesty had abandoned those sublime projects which he
might once have conceived, and that the system of his cabinet
policy, as well as the direction of everything in France, will be
on very different principles. I do not doubt, sir, but that you
will regard it as your duty, to make known to the French subjects
around you, the new situation of France, and that in which,
according to our laws, they themselves are placed.
(Signed) Caulaincourt
Duke of Vicenza
NO. III
Letter addressed by the Duke of Vicenza to the Ministers for
Foreign affairs of the Principal Courts of Europe.
Sir,
The hopes which led his Majesty, my August Sovereign, to make the
most magnanimous of sacrifices, have not been fulfilled. France
has not received the reward of this devotion of her monarch; her
expectations have been grievously deceived. After months of
fearful constraint her sentiments concentrated into regret, have
nobly displayed themselves by a general and spontaneous movement.
She has called for a Deliverer -- Him form whom alone she could
expect the guarantee of her liberties and her independence. The
Emperor has appeared -- the Royal scepter has fallen, and the
family of the Bourbons has left our territory without a single
drop of blood having been shed in their defense. In the arms of
his people, his Majesty has been borne through France, from that
part of her coast where he first touched the soil to the heart of
his Capital -- even to the bosom of that palace alike filled with
the same sentiment which warms the hearts of all Frenchmen. No a
single object has impeded the progress of his Majesty, from the
moment he had placed his foot upon the French territory, thereins
of government were completely in his hands -- his former reign
seems scarcely to have been for a moment interrupted -- every
genuine passion, every liberal sentiment rallied around him.
Never did a nation portray a spectacle of more solemn unanimity.
The report of this great event, Sir, will already have reached
you; I am charged to announce it to you in the name of the
Emperor, and to pray your Excellency, to make it known to your
Court. This resumption of the crown of France by the Emperor is
the most splendid of his triumphs. His Majesty, however,
attributes his greatest glory in owing it solely to the love of
the French people, and his only desire is to repay so much
affection, not by the trophies of a fruitless grandeur, but by
the benefits of a happy peace. The accomplishment of the best
wishes of the Emperor consists in the duration of this peace.
Disposed to respect the rights of other nations, his Majesty has
the pleasing assurance that those of the French nation are above
every attack. The preservation of this precious deposit is the
first as it is the dearest of his duties. The tranquility of the
world is for a long time secure, if other Sovereigns, in
imitation of his Majesty, confine themselves to make honor
consist in maintaining peace, in placing peace under the
protection of honor.
These, Sir, are the sentiments by which his Imperial Majesty is
most sincerely inspired and of which he has ordered me to be the
organ of communication to your Cabinet.
(Signed) Caulaincourt
Saturday, June 3.
The Report to the Emperor, which this evening is given at large, is a document which unfolds much. It is expressed with a spirit of moderation, and an affected cauder, but no court can be its dupe for a moment. We have not room for remark, but that single confession, that "The least favorable peace which the allies ever dared to offer you, is one with which your Majesty would be this day contented," speaks volumes: It betrays a consciousness of his weakness which we did not think Bonaparte would have made to the world. Nothing is more fallacious than the acclamations of the people and Bonaparte is fully sensible of it. When King James abdicated the throne, there was a deputation sent to him by several of the Lords to return to Whitehall, and they sent down the guards to protect him to London, where he actually arrived, about five in the evening, says the historian, and "was welcomed by the acclamations of the people quite through the city." But a messenger was sent to inform him at midnight, that it was desirable for the public peace he should remove a little from the city before the next day at noon; but he went the same night, observing that if he could be called upon at such an hour it was high time for him to depart. The Prince of Orange arrived the same afternoon in like manner, and "was welcomed by the joyful acclamations of the people, with ringing of bells, bonfires," etc.
Translated for the New York Evening Post From the Paris Moniteur of April 20:
SHORT REPORTS OF MANY CURRENT EVENTS -- APRIL - JUNE 1815
ALEXANDRIA, June 2.
The white flag was flying at Guadaloupe on the 14th May. The
inhabitants were generally in favor of Bonaparte, but kept the
Bourbon flag flying for the protection of the Island from the
British.
LONDON, April 11.
Private letters from Paris states that not less than eleven
hundred officers have given in their resignation, rather than
violate oaths which they have so recently taken.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer last night moved, in a Committee
of Supply, for the sum of 8,896,435 £ forming, with the sum of 9,000,000
£ voted in the last, and of 7,000,000 £ voted in the present
Session, a total of nearly 24,000,000 £ being the amount of the
Army Extraordinaries for the year 1814. The motion was agreed to.
Lord Castlereagh's motion for an Address on the American Treaty
is expected to produce an interesting debate this evening in the
House on Commons.
LONDON, April 21.
A report has been received from Gibraltar, that Gen. Miranda was lately tried before the secret tribunal at Cadiz, and was sentenced to be strangled with the Dargarotte, which punishment he suffered accordingly.
We received this morning the Paris papers
of Tuesday last. They have a report of fresh successes on the
part of Murat, that he beat the Austrians at Modena, that General
Stephani was killed in the battle, and that he afterwards made
himself master of Leghorn. But they add, that they have as yet
received no official intelligence. So completely is France cut
off at present, from all connection with Italy and Germany, that
she has no accurate information from either of those countries.
Courier Extraordinary of Tuesday morning.
"We are again assured that the King of Naples has beat the
Austrians at Modena and taken possession of Leghorn; that Gen.
Stephani has been killed."
VIENNA, April 5.
"Marshal Berthier has just arrived here. The army of the
King of Naples is 60,000 strong. It is certain that he had been
invited by the Congress to give up the throne, and that he is
profiting of the present moment to make a diversion in favor of
France; but for some days Austria, and almost all the powers,
have been engaged to acknowledge him if he will change his system."
DEAL, April 19.
Came down from the river, the Eurydice, Deacon, for New York
From the Boston Evening Gazette, June 3.
SECOND EDITION
Latest from England -- 1 o'clock, P.M. -- Ship Milo,
Glover, 36 days from Liverpool, has just arrived. We have seen
papers to 22nd April; but can, in this edition, give only a short
summary of their contents.
The papers state that Russia was organizing and putting in march
110,000 men; would have 200,000 in line by middle of April, 20,000
on the Elbe, and 100,000 in Poland, Prussia had 90,000 in full
march for the Rhine -- England, Holland, Hanover, and Hesse, 60,000,
to be ready by 15th May -- Bavarians 44,000, 25,000 in motion for
the Rhine -- Austria provides 110,000 for the Rhine, has 180,000
occupying Italy -- Wurtemberg furnishes 10,000, for the first
line, the rest of her forces kept in reserve -- Baden has 10,000
ready, and 5,000 in line -- Hesse Darmstadt to furnish 15,000.
The troops of the Allies, which were marching against France,
were to be on the Rhine about the end of April. The Allies
purpose to debouche, according to circumstances, with a corps by
way of Nice, Antibes and Marseilles; to make a methodical war,
and not to act on the offensive till all are in line. The Grand H.Q's
were already at Frankfort. The Allies reckoned upon Napoleon's
not being able to procure muskets, that he had no artillery, nor
artillery horses; and that Napoleon had only 20 or 30,000 cavalry,
whereas they will have 70,000 in line. The Allies, it is said,
distrust the Swiss and the Crown Prince of Sweden.
THIRD EDITION
Saturday night, June 3.
Since our 2nd edition, we have been favored with a London
paper of the 24th April, and a Liverpool paper of the 26th -- the
latest received. Extracts follow.
LONDON, April 24.
We have received a Hamburg mail, with papers to the 19th (?).
Their contents are important because they confirm us in the
opinion we already formed as to the unalterable determination of
the Allied Sovereigns to proceed in their hostilities against
Bonaparte, with the utmost promptitude, and with all the power of
their States. The King of Prussia issued a Proclamation at Vienna
on the 7th inst. The language is precisely in the same spirit
with the declaration of the 13th of March, and the treaty of the
25th. The most ardent spirit of loyalty is said to prevail among
the youth of the Prussian monarchy.
In a Vienna article of the 10th, we are told, that about the time
when Murat made an offer to accede to the alliance against
Bonaparte, and beforehe could receive an answer, he commenced
hostilities against the Austrians (on the 4th near Modena). His
object in this sudden attack is supposed to be to cause the
Allies immediately to recognize him as King of Naples. This, we
understand, they are waiting to do, on condition of making common
cause with them. It appears that Marshal Bianchi found it
necessary to fall back on the approach of the Neapolitan army;
but soon suspending his retreat, opposed the enemy on the road to
Modena, and repulsed him at different points with some loss; but
the body of the Neapolitan army coming up, the Austrians
continued their retreat to Capri, where they arrived on the 5th.
The hostilities with Murat did not cause any great apprehension
at Vienna, his army not being above 40,000 strong; and the
Austrian troops prepared to give him a good reception.
The Paris papers of Wednesday and Thursday last are also received.
The Moniteur contains a proclamation of Field Marshal Belgrade,
dated at Milan, 5th April, which is intended to guard the
Italians against the proclamations of Murat, inviting them to
rise and assert their independence.
They also contain a report from Massena, Prince of Essling, dated
at Toulon, 14th April -- this officer professes the greatest
devotion to the interests of Napoleon, and declares that he very
early adopted every expedient to preserve his authority, and to
frustrate the views of the King's government, particularly as it
respects the troops and fleet at Toulon.
The Paris papers also contain articles from all the frontier
cities and towns, and also from those of the interior. In the
former, the military preparations were pursued with activity; in
the latter all was tranquil and Joyous, of course.
At Leiges, the inhabitants, to avoid the exactions and being
obliged to maintain the military, were shutting up and quitting
their houses; in consequence of which orders were given to break
them open.
Several gentlemen who left Paris on the 18th of April, say they
observed none of that joy and enthusiasm which the journals
represent as prevailing in that capital. On the contrary, the
respectable citizens were in great anxiety and alarm.
The Conscription Laws are again acted upon in France.
PARIS, April 20.
There daily arrive at Paris a great number of chests filled with
muskets, sabres, &c. Destined to arm the defenders of France.
LIVERPOOL, April 26.
The Royalists, for the present, have been suppressed in the South
of France. The Duc d'Angouleme, it appears, was deserted by the
troops of the line, and his forces being reduced to 1500 men,
national guards and volunteers, he capitulated on the 9th inst.
To Gen. Grouchy. His personal safety was provided for, and he was
conducted to Cette, there to embark, and leave France.
Subsequently, however, and no doubt by the orders of Bonaparte,
he was made prisoner, in breach of the capitulation; but whether
the tyrant hoped to gain some praises for an apparent
generosity, or wishing to make something in the way of a bargain,
he was again liberated; on condition of his engaging to send back
the public funds, and the Crown Jewels which Louis very wisely
took away with him, and engaging never to re-enter France.
A Metz article says that Russian had pledged herself to send all
the French prisoners to the further extremity of her Empire,
never to be returned or exchanged; those who choose to enter her
service will be sent to the armies of Caucasses; others will be
permitted to form Colonies and establishments; and finally, those
who will do nothing are to be made slaves. The other powers
pledge themselves to treat their prisoners with the severity and
contempt which a nation deserves which arrogates itself the right
to choose masters.
Letters from Frankfort of 10th April, affirm that there were
upwards of 125,000 Prussian troops on the left bank of the Rhine,
and that the different columns about to pass that river would
augment their numbers to 180,000 men.
The Allies will not war against the French people, -- but only
against Napoleon and his adherents.
The head-quarters of the Prince of Schwartzenburg were removed on
the 8th of April, and were to be transferred to Ratisbon on the
24th. The arch duke Charles is to command the middle Rhine.
Letters from St. Sebastian, announce that the King of Spain would
take an active part against Bonaparte. An embargo had been laid
upon all French vessels in the ports of Spain.
A London paper of 22nd April says, "we have reason to
believe that the new treaty of alliance signed at Vienna, 25th
March, was ratified yesterday afternoon."
MISCELLANEOUS NEWS -- APRIL 1815 --
MARIE LOUISE, ALEXANDER I, ETC.
MUNICH -- April 12, 1815
The King is momentarily expected at his
capital. Several gentlemen of his court who set out before him;
have just arrived. It may easily be conceived how eager we have
been to collect correct details of what is going on at Vienna,
under circumstances so unexpected and extraordinary. One of the
gentlemen, whose means of information and situation gave him
every advantage, furnishes us with the following particulars.
I saw (says he) the Empress Maria Louisa in fine health and
spirits; she was at Schoenbrun, walking in the Park with Madam
Horan, one of her retinue. Since the Emperor's return to Paris,
she excites much curiosity, and the populace of Vienna are
incessantly greeting her with shouts of Long life to the
Empress of France -- Her son was in the palace of Vienna, in
the apartments formerly occupied by the King of Wurtemberg. Madam
Soufflot, his Governess, and Madame Marchant, his nurse, were
with him. His establishment consists of a French maitre d'hotel,
a French cook and other domestics attached to his family. The
Empress visited him every day, spending two hours of the day at
her father's; the rest of the day she stayed a Schoenbrun. Her
household always wore the green livery and nothing had been
changed in her establishment.
The Viceroy had not been able to obtain any thing from the
Congress, relating personally to himself, thereby violating in
this respect the treat of Fontainebleau, as it had been done in
so many other respects. The Prince at first appeared to be on
good terms with the Emperor of Russia, but since Napoleon's
return to Paris, Alexander does not see him, and even told him
political affairs prevented him from so doing. The Emperor of
Russia appears highly exasperated -- he declines on every
occasion, that he will have nothing to do with the French, that
he despises the Bourbons, that they are a degenerate race, but
that he will not consent to let Napoleon reign over France, as
his honor is concerned.
In a conversation on this subject before a large party, Madam
Bragation, once conspicuous for enmity to Napoleon in his
prosperity, but since greatly changed and become one of his
warmest admirers, using her usual privilege of speaking freely
whenever it suited her, replied to the Emperor Alexander --
"But, Sire, if you persist in considering this as an affair
of honor with Napoleon, why not send him a challenge at once? --
From the character he has supported, I have no doubt he will
accept it, and then you will have no occasion to march against
France, armies of 100,000 men, 10,000 Cossacks and trains of
artillery."
Princess Esterhazi and many other ladies present commended the
proposal. Sensible men in Vienna, in fact, think it's ridiculous
to march so many armed men when a single individual is merely
wanted. These preparations seem to denote that the object of
their attack must be more than human.
In several baking houses, I have heard them say, "The
Emperor Napoleon has returned, so much the better; he knows how
to govern and evidently has the true interests of his people at
heart."
It was at first determined to arrest Prince Eugene and send him
to the fortress of Comorn, but the Emperor of Russia objected to
it -- they then required a promise that he would not, atleast,
assist Napoleon, which he refused with indignation, and it has
been concluded that he should remain, during the passing events,
in the castle of Bayreuth. Lord Stewart, one of the English
ministers, on the Emperor's return to Paris, hearing a discussion
as to his right to violate the treaty of the 11th April, did not
hesitate to say, "he had as much right as nay of them to
violate it," that no engagements had been fulfilled with
"him or his family, that he had told them so repeatedly
without effect, and as a matter of justice he must say the
parties were pretty well matched."
Liberal minds throughout Germany are, in general, disgusted with
the Declaration of the Congress on the 13th March, which is
universally circulated and considered as contemptible. The
distinction they attempt to make between France and her Emperor,
and the answer of Madam Bragation is every day repeated and
generally approved of. The disposition of the Court of Austria is
more moderate. A Mr. Montrose, who escaped from Paris with
important dispatches for Talleyrand, did not hesitate to say, as
well as Count Vincent, Austrian Ambassador at Paris, and Mr.
Bombelles, that they were much mistaken if they thought the
Emperor was obliged to confine himself to the Tuilleries, as it
was evident the whole nation was for him, and nobody else, and
that millions of men were ready to support their independence and
the man of their choice with their lives.
In opposition to this, hopes were entertained of a civil war in
La Vendee, for they would not believe that the Duke of Bourbon
had left the country. On the side of Toulon and Marseilles, great
dependence was reposed, on M. Tour de Pin, who left Vienna for
the latter place, though the prevailing bets were that, by the
time he arrived there, he would find Napoleon everywhere
acknowledged.
In Prussia as well as in Germany, many liberal sentiments existed.
A free and solid constitution was indeed decided, but their
immense warlike preparations directed against a single man
appeared absurd, and public opinion universally condemned the
Congress whose conduct had rendered themselves so ridiculous by
the events of the last war.
The Poles were very much enraged. A large Polish army had been
raised, composed of Patriots who were flattered with the hopes of
emancipating their Country, but these hopes were soon destroyed.
A distinguished French emigrant in a company where Alexander's
contempt of the Bourbons was the subject of conversation, thus
expressed himself, "What do you want then if you will
neither have one Sovereign or the other -- Do you wish to have
Anarchy pervade France, or do you rather wish to put the Crown
Prince of Sweden over France, that you may establish your nephew
in Sweden? The moment the Bourbons are abandoned, nobody will
think of disputing either the Rights or Titles of Napoleon, and I,
for one, would declare in his favour and all the ancient nobility
would follow the example. If you will support the Bourbons, do at
least, leave France to herself."
The conversation which took place on the evening of my departure
tended much to lower the tone of these abusive and vain
declaimers.
The English, who are at Vienna, and of whom a great number have
been at Elba, are in conversation, generally very favorably
disposed towards Napoleon. They exclaim with bitterness against
the pretensions of the Bourbons on the score of Legitimacy --
"In that case (say they) the Stuarts are our legitimate
masters."
Besides very mistaken nations in regard to France are propagated
in Vienna. They will not allow the Emperor more than 100,000 men
and 20,000 cavalry. They do not deprive him of the veterans who
have served under him, but diminish his strength by deducting
from it what may be necessary to garrison the strong places on
the Alps and Coasts -- thereby, inferring that he cannot bring
into the field more than 60,000 men and 20,000 cavalry from
Dunkirk to Hunningen.
This calculation encourages them and the hope of being six to one
in all they depend upon in the inconsiderate war they are so
eager to plunge themselves into.
I have heard it observed among the first men in Vienna, among men
of business, that they are alarmed at the low rate of exchange.
But before undertaking such expensive "enterprises, would it
not be more natural to propose to Napoleon to ratify the Treaty
of Paris? If he will not, then the war will at least have an
object, but if he does ratify it, there will be no occasion for
war."
It is asserted at Vienna that the Arch Duke Charles refused to
take a command. He has certainly said, "the danger is not on
the side of France but St. Petersburg. In marching against
Napoleon, we evidently march against all France. For how can it
be possible that a man, who for a year has been loaded with so
much abuse, and cried down in many ways, should have come, as it
were, alone, and seize upon all France, if the whole nation was
not in his favour. I will not interfere in this war; I see
nothing in it but inevitable disgrace. Sire, (said he to his
Brother) hasten to acknowledge your son in law -- send him his
wife and child and if he ratifies the Treaty of Paris,
discontinue your warlike preparations. Europe will then be at
Peace, and you will avoid much misery."
As late as the 4th of April,
notwithstanding what Gen. Vincent and M. De Bombelles had said, M.
De Metternich still thought the army was only in favour of the
Emperor.
As soon as Prince Talleyrand knew that the Emperor had reached
Grenoble, he exclaimed in private circles, "we are undone."
But his official communications are in his true characteristic
style, in favor of war.
Several members of the French Legation, who are more royalists
than Bourbonites, often express their vexation in a virulent
manner at the contemptible epithets constantly bestowed by the
Emperor of Russian on this family.
NEW TREATY OF THE ALLIED POWERS -- APRIL 3, 1815
(From the German Papers.)
VIENNA, April 3.
The following Treaty was concluded on the
25th of March, between Russia, Austria, Prussia and Great Britain,
in consequence of the entrance of Napoleon Bonaparte into France:
In the name of the Holy and Undivided Trinity: Their Majesties
the Emperor of all the Russias, the Emperor of Austria, the King
of Prussia, and the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland, considering the consequences which the entrance of
Bonaparte into France, and the present situation of that Kingdom,
may have with respect to the security of Europe, have determined,
in these weighty circumstances, to carry into effect the
principles consecrated in the Treaty of Chaumont. They have
therefore agreed, by a solemn Treaty, mutually signed by each of
the four Powers, to renew the engagement that they will defend
the so happily restored order of things in Europe against all
violation, and to adopt the most effectual measures for carrying
this engagement into effect, and also t give it that necessary
extension which existing circumstances imperiously demand.
(Here follow the appointments, in the usual form of the different Plenipotentiaries whose names are undersigned)
Art. I. The High Contracting Powers
solemnly engage to unite the resources of their respective States,
for the maintenance of the treaty of Peace concluded at Paris on
the 30th of May, 1814, as well as that of the Congress of Vienna,
-- to carry into full effect the dispositions contained in these
Treaties, -- inviolably to observe their ratified and subscribed
agreements, according to their full import, -- to defend them
against every attack, and especially against the projects of
Napoleon Bonaparte. Towards this end they bind themselves should
the King of France desire it, and in the spirit of the
Declaration issued on the 13th of March, with common consent and
mutual agreement, to bring to justice all such as may have
already joined, or shall hereafter join the party of Napoleon, in
order to compel him to relinquish his projects, and to render him
incapable in future of disturbing the tranquility of Europe and
the general peace, under the protection of which the rights, the
freedom and the independence of nations have been established and
secured.
II. Although so great and salutary an object does not permit that
the means destined to its attainment should be limited, and
although the High Contracting Powers have resolved to devote to
this object all such resources as they can, in their respective
situations, dispose of; yet they have nevertheless agreed, that
every one of them shall constantly have in the field 150,000 men
complete, of whom at least one-tenth shall be cavalry, with a
proportionate artillery (not reckoning garrisons) and to employ
them in active and united service against the common enemy.
III. The High Contracting Parties solemnly engage not to lay down
their arms but in agreement with each other, nor until the object
of the war assigned in the 1st article of the present Treaty
shall have been attained; nor until Bonaparte shall be wholly and
completely deprived of the power of exciting disturbances, and of
being able to renew his attempts to obtain the chief power in
France.
IV. As the present Treaty principally relates in the present
circumstances, the engagements in the Treaty of Chaumont, and
particularly that contained in the 16th article, shall again
recover their full force, as soon as the present object shall be
attained.
V. Everything relating to the command of the Allied Armies, the
maintenance of the same, &c. Shall be regulated by a special
convention.
VI. The High Contracting Parties shall have the right
reciprocally to accredit with the Generals, Commanders of their
armies, Officers who shall be allowed the liberty of
corresponding with their Governments, in order to inform them of
the military events, and of all that relates to the operations of
the armies.
VII. At the engagements entered into by the present Treaty have
for object to maintain the general peace, the High Contracting
Powers agree to invite all the Powers of Europe to accede to them.
VIII. As the present Treaty is simply and solely entered into
with a view to support France and every other threatened country
against the attempts of Bonaparte and his adherents, his Most
Christian-Majesty shall be specially invited to accede thereto;
and in the event of his Majesty's claiming the force specified in
article 2, he shall make known what assistance his circumstances
enable him to contribute towards the object of the present Treaty.
IX. The present Treaty shall be ratified,
and the ratification exchanged within the period of one month, or
sooner if possible.
In testimony whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed
and sealed the same.
(L S) Count Rasumowsky
(L S) Count Nesslerode
(L S) Prince Metternich
(L S) Baron Wessenberg
(L S) Prince Hardenberg
(L S) Baron Humboldt
(L S) Wellington
At Vienna, the 25th of March, 1815.
It remains to be seen what effect the above
treaty will produce upon the sober part of the French nation. On
the face of it, it is a deliberate pledge on the part of all the
powers not to consider the peace of Europe as secured till the
Usurper shall have been driven from the throne, and his adherents
shall have been punished for their perjury (perjury?) and treason.
In its present form, the Treaty is signed only by the Ministers
of Russia, Austria, Prussia and Great Britain; but all the other
Powers are to be invited to accede to it. It is known that
several of them have already notified their accession, and it is
expected that most of them will concur. Fears, however, are still
entertained respecting the king of Naples; and if we may credit
accounts, brought in private letters, by the fast Hamburgh (Mail?)
the conduct of the Crown Prince of Sweden has become so
mysterious, as not only to excite suspicions amongthe Allies, but
to render it necessary to appoint a strong division of the
Russian army to watch his movements. The defection of these
Powers, should it actually come to that, will prove very
injurious to the general cause; but we cannot doubt that every
reasonable assurance will be given to those which may have been
wavering on account of supposed dangers with which they may
conceive themselves to be threatened. It is certainly much to be
desired that unanimity should be established and maintained among
the different Powers, when engaged in a conflict with a power
that has already nearly ruined Europe.
PROCLAMATION OF FREDERICK WILLIAM --
APRIL 11, 1815
BERLIN, April 11.
His Majesty has signed the letters patent for the taking
possession of the Grand Duchy of the Lower Rhine, the Duchies of
Cleves, Berg, and Guelders, the Principality of Moers, and the
Lordships of Esten and Werden.
In a Proclamation to the inhabitants of the Rhine, Provinces
united with Prussia, his Majesty states, that when the Congress
unanimously proposed the incorporation of these Provinces with
Prussia, he did not, in giving his assent, forget the dangerous
situation of these frontier countries of Germany, and the
difficulty of defending them; but considering that they are the
bulwarks of German independence, and that Prussia, whose own
dependence (independence?) has been threatened by their loss, had
the duty, as well as the honorable claim to defend them, he
yielding to these higher considerations, and reflecting besides,
that he united with his subjects a faithful, generous, and German
people, who would joyfully share with them every danger to defend
their common freedom, he had joined these countries to the
Prussian crown, confiding in God and in the courage and loyalty
of his people. His Majesty promises that they shall be governed
by mild laws, their religion protected, and its servants be
placed in a situation to support their office with dignity, that
a Bishop's see and university, and seminaries for Priests and
Instructors, shall be established. His Majesty observes, that he
is sensible of the burdens which a continued state of war has
inevitably caused, but bids them remember that they proceeded
chiefly from their former connection with France. The taxes shall
not be oppressive, and shall be regulated, after consulting them,
according to a plan to be formed for the other Prussian States.
The military establishment to arm at defence, and the expense of
a large standing army be spared by the organization of Landwehr
in time of peace; but in war, all must take up arms that are able
to use them.
War, says his Majesty, threatens your frontiers; to remove it to
a distance I shall, for a time, ask for new exertions; I shall
choose a part of my standing army from among you, and summon the
Landwehr, and form the Landstrum, if the danger should come so
near as to make it necessary. But, united with my brave armies,
and my other subjects, you will subdue the enemy of your country,
and partake the glory of having insured, for a long series of
centuries, the freedom and independence of the German empire.
(Signed)
FREDERICK WILLIAM
Dated Vienna, April 5.
BERLIN, April 15.
PROCLAMATION
"When in the time of danger I called
my people to arms, to combat for the freedom and independence of
the country, the whole mass of the youth, glowing with emulation,
thronged round the standards, to bear, with joyful self-denial,
unusual hardships, and resolved to brave death itself; then the
best strength of the people intrepidly joined the ranks of my
brave soldiers, and my Generals led with me into battle a host of
heros, who have shown themselves worthy of the name of their
fathers, and heirs of their glory. Thus we and our allies,
attended by victory, conquered the capitol of our enemy; our
banners waved in Paris; Napoleon abdicated his authority. Liberty
was restored to Germany, security to thrones, and to the world
the hope of a durable peace.
"This hope is vanished -- we must again march to the combat.
A perfidious conspiracy has brought back to France the man who,
for ten years together, brought down upon the world unutterable
miseries. The people, confounded, have not been able to oppose
his armed adherents. Though he himself, while still at the head
of a considerable armed force, declared his abdication to be a
voluntary sacrifice to the happiness and repose of France; he now
regards this, like every other convention, as nothing. He is at
the head of perjured soldiers, who desire to render war eternal.
Europe is again threatened; it cannot suffer the man to remain on
the throne of France who loudly proclaimed universal empire to be
the object of his continually renewed wars, who confounded all
moral principles by his continued breach of faith, and who can,
therefore, give the world no security for his peaceable
intentions.
"Again, therefore, arise to the combat! France itself wants
our aid, and all Europe is allied with us. United with your
ancient companions in victory, reinforced by the accession of new
brethren in arms, you go, brave Prussians, to a just war with me,
with the Princes of my family, with the Generals who have led you
to victory. The justice of the cause we defend will ensure us the
victory. I have ordered a general arming, according to my Decree
of September 3, 1814, which will be executed I all my dominions.
"The army will be completed, the volunteer companies of
yagers be formed, and the Landwehr call together. The youth of
the chief classes of the citizens, from the age of 20 upwards,
are at liberty to join either the Landwehr first called out, or
the yager corps of the regular army.
"Every young man who has completed his 17th year, may, if
possessing the requisite bodily strength, join the army at his
own choice. I publish a particular regulation on this subject.
Concerning the formation of single corps and of the Landwehr, a
notice will appear in every province from the Constituted
Authorities.
"Thus united with all Europe in arms, we again enter the
lists against Napoleon Bonaparte and his adherents.
"Arise then, with God for your support, for the repose of
the world, for order, for mortality (morality?), for your King
and your country."
FREDERICK WILLIAM
Vienna, April 8, 1815.
ADS -- JUNE 1815
PUBLIC NOTICE is hereby given to all persons within this district
not in actual Military service, having in their possession arms
and accoutrements belonging to the United States, that they
deliver the same to John Fellow, Military Store Keeper, New York.
All reasonable and necessary expenses of transportation, will be
allowed.
Further notice is hereby given that all persons having charge of
public property as aforesaid, refusing to report or unnecessarily
delaying the delivery thereof as hereby directed, will be
prosecuted according to law.
March 22nd, EDWIN TYLER, Capt. U.S. Ordnance.
CIRCASSIAN LOTION, for the skin, (only 50
cents per bottle) -- A sovereign remedy for surfeits, scorching
from the heat of the sun, freckles, blights from cold and chills
of winter, scorbutic pimples or eruptions of the face and skin,
however violent or disfigured, animalcula generated under the
cuticle or outer skin, prickly heat, shingles, ring worms,
redness of the nose and chin, obstinate cutaneous diseases, and
for every impurity or unnatural appearance with which the skin
may be affected; to be used as a common wash for clearing and
improving the complexion, and in a superior degree to preserve,
soften, cleanse, and beautify the skin.
Sold in bottles, with printed directions, at four shillings each,
at the Medicine Store, No. 148 Broadway.
May 17.
+ |
-Napoleon Bonaparte
Internet Guide-
optimized for browsers 4+ (600x800)