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New York HeraldBREAKING NEWS
MUNICH -- April 12, 1815
The King is momentarily expected at his capital. Several gentlemen of his court who set out before him; have just arrived. It may easily be conceived how eager we have been to collect correct details of what is going on at Vienna, under circumstances so unexpected and extraordinary. One of the gentlemen, whose means of information and situation gave him every advantage, furnishes us with the following particulars.
I saw (says he) the Empress Maria Louisa in fine health and spirits; she was at Schoenbrun, walking in the Park with Madam Horan, one of her retinue. Since the Emperor’s return to Paris, she excites much curiosity, and the populace of Vienna are incessantly greeting her with shouts of Long life to the Empress of France -- Her son was in the Palace of Vienna, in the apartments formerly occupied by the King of Wurtemberg. Madam Soufflot, his Governess, and Madame Marchant, his nurse, were with him. His establishment consists of a French maitre d’hotel, a French cook and other domestics attached to his family. The Empress visited him every day, spending two hours of the day at her father’s; the rest of the day she stayed a Schoenbrun. Her household always wore the green livery and nothing had been changed in her establishment.
The Viceroy had not been able to obtain any thing from the Congress, relating personally to himself, thereby violating in this respect the Treaty of Fontainebleau, as it had been done in so many other respects. The Prince at first appeared to be on good terms with the Emperor of Russia, but since Napoleon’s return to Paris, Alexander does not see him, and even told him political affairs prevented him from so doing. The Emperor of Russia appears highly exasperated -- he declines on every occasion, that he will have nothing to do with the French, that he despises the Bourbons, that they are a degenerate race, but that he will not consent to let Napoleon reign over France, as his honor is concerned.
In a conversation on this subject before a large party, Madam Bragation, once conspicuous for enmity to Napoleon in his prosperity, but since greatly changed and become one of his warmest admirers, using her usual privilege of speaking freely whenever it suited her, replied to the Emperor Alexander -- "But, Sire, if you persist in considering this as an affair of honor with Napoleon, why not send him a challenge at once? -- From the character he has supported, I have no doubt he will accept it, and then you will have no occasion to march against France, armies of 100,000 men, 10,000 Cossacks and trains of artillery."
Princess Esterhazi and many other ladies present commended the proposal. Sensible men in Vienna, in fact, think it’s ridiculous to march so many armed men when a single individual is merely wanted. These preparations seem to denote that the object of their attack must be more than human.
In several baking houses, I have heard them say, "The Emperor Napoleon has returned, so much the better; he knows how to govern and evidently has the true interests of his people at heart."
It was at first determined to arrest Prince Eugene and send him to the fortress of Comorn, but the Emperor of Russia objected to it -- they then required a promise that he would not, at least, assist Napoleon, which he refused with indignation, and it has been concluded that he should remain, during the passing events, in the castle of Bayreuth. Lord Stewart, one of the English ministers, on the Emperor’s return to Paris, hearing a discussion as to his right to violate the treaty of the 11th April, did not hesitate to say, "he had as much right as nay of them to violate it," that no engagements had been fulfilled with "him or his family, that he had told them so repeatedly without effect, and as a matter of justice he must say the parties were pretty well matched."
Liberal minds throughout Germany are, in general, disgusted with the Declaration of the Congress on the 13th March, which is universally circulated and considered as contemptible. The distinction they attempt to make between France and her Emperor, and the answer of Madam Bragation is every day repeated and generally approved of. The disposition of the Court of Austria is more moderate. A Mr. Montrose, who escaped from Paris with important dispatches for Talleyrand, did not hesitate to say, as well as Count Vincent, Austrian Ambassador at Paris, and Mr. Bombelles, that they were much mistaken if they thought the Emperor was obliged to confine himself to the Tuileries, as it was evident the whole nation was for him, and nobody else, and that millions of men were ready to support their independence and the man of their choice with their lives.
In opposition to this, hopes were entertained of a civil war in La Vendee, for they would not believe that the Duke of Bourbon had left the country. On the side of Toulon and Marseilles, great dependence was reposed, on M. Tour de Pin, who left Vienna for the latter place, though the prevailing bets were that, by the time he arrived there, he would find Napoleon everywhere acknowledged.
In Prussia as well as in Germany, many liberal sentiments existed. A free and solid constitution was indeed decided, but their immense warlike preparations directed against a single man appeared absurd, and public opinion universally condemned the Congress whose conduct had rendered themselves so ridiculous by the events of the last war.
The Poles were very much enraged. A large Polish army had been raised, composed of Patriots who were flattered with the hopes of emancipating their Country, but these hopes were soon destroyed.
A distinguished French emigrant in a company where Alexander’s contempt of the Bourbons was the subject of conversation, thus expressed himself, "What do you want then if you will neither have one Sovereign or the other -- Do you wish to have Anarchy pervade France, or do you rather wish to put the Crown Prince of Sweden over France, that you may establish your nephew in Sweden? The moment the Bourbons are abandoned, nobody will think of disputing either the Rights or Titles of Napoleon, and I, for one, would declare in his favour and all the ancient nobility would follow the example. If you will support the Bourbons, do at least, leave France to herself."
The conversation which took place on the evening of my departure tended much to lower the tone of these abusive and vain declaimers.
The English, who are at Vienna, and of whom a great number have been at Elba, are in conversation, generally very favorably disposed towards Napoleon. They exclaim with bitterness against the pretensions of the Bourbons on the score of Legitimacy -- "In that case (say they) the Stuarts are our legitimate masters."
Besides very mistaken nations in regard to France are propagated in Vienna. They will not allow the Emperor more than 100,000 men and 20,000 cavalry. They do not deprive him of the veterans who have served under him, but diminish his strength by deducting from it what may be necessary to garrison the strong places on the Alps and Coasts -- thereby, inferring that he cannot bring into the field more than 60,000 men and 20,000 cavalry from Dunkirk to Hunningen.
This calculation encourages them and the hope of being six to one in all they depend upon in the inconsiderate war they are so eager to plunge themselves into.
I have heard it observed among the first men in Vienna, among men of business, that they are alarmed at the low rate of exchange. But before undertaking such expensive "enterprises, would it not be more natural to propose to Napoleon to ratify the Treaty of Paris? Ifhe will not, then the war will at least have an object, but if he does ratify it, there will be no occasion for war."
It is asserted at Vienna that the Arch Duke Charles refused to take a command. He has certainly said, "the danger is not on the side of France but St. Petersburg. In marching against Napoleon, we evidently march against all France. For how can it be possible that a man, who for a year has been loaded with so much abuse, and cried down in many ways, should have come, as it were, alone, and seize upon all France, if the whole nation was not in his favour. I will not interfere in this war; I see nothing in it but inevitable disgrace. Sire, (said he to his Brother) hasten to acknowledge your son in law -- send him his wife and child and if he ratifies the Treaty of Paris, discontinue your warlike preparations. Europe will then be at Peace, and you will avoid much misery."
As late as the 4th of April, notwithstanding what Gen. Vincent and M. De Bombelles had said, M. De Metternich still thought the army was only in favour of the Emperor.
As soon as Prince Talleyrand knew that the Emperor had reached Grenoble, he exclaimed in private circles, "we are undone." But his official communications are in his true characteristic style, in favor of war.
Several members of the French Legation, who are more Royalists than Bourbonites, often express their vexation in a virulent manner at the contemptible epithets constantly bestowed by the Emperor of Russia on this family.
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